The Proud Boys in the hybrid media system

The Proud Boys are a far-right group founded in 2016. Though their main place of operation is the United States, the group has some transnationally operating parts all over the world. In this paper, I will be analysing how this group makes use of the hybrid media system to spread their ideology, make use of metapolitics, and organise offline action. This analysis will be fueled by data collected from the Proud Boys website, their Telegram message stream, and their Parler page. 

Who are the Proud Boys

The Proud Boys are a networked organization that was founded by Gavin Mcinnes during the 2016 presidential elections in the United States. Only men can become a member of the Proud Boys. In order to become a Proud Boy, “a man [is to] declare he is “a Western chauvinist who refuses to apologize for creating the modern world”, as is stated on the Proud Boys website (“Tenets", 2020). 

Proud Boys can be recognized by specific attire a specific black polo with yellow details, produced by the brand Fred Perry, which has since discontinued the sale of these shirts. The logo of this company, a wreath, is also a prominent Proud Boys symbol, appearing on clothes and in online activity. This attire is often accompanied by red Make America Great Again hats, items including the flag of the United States, as well as gear associated with the military, such as camouflage print. 

Though the group was founded in the United States, and the majority of the nationalist posts seem to be focussed on the United States, the online network expands over the world, with the possibility of joining local organizations of the Proud Boys, so-called ‘chapters’.  

The organization gained renewed attention when it was mentioned in the first presidential debate of 2020. When President Trump was asked to condemn white supremacists and far-right groups, Joe Biden prompted to address the Proud Boys. In response to this, President Trump told the group to 'stand back and stand by' (Trump, 2020). This mention sparked expressions of excitement among Proud Boys, and Google searches for the term 'Proud Boys' spiked majorly. Hh

Proud Boys Trumpism

What binds these Proud Boys together as a group is their shared Ideology. The Proud Boys take their own stance in defining their ideology with a straight-forward list of core values on their website. This list includes values such as ‘maximum freedom’, ‘closed borders’, ‘anti-racism’ and ‘pro-gun rights’. Their website banner states “Proud Boys, Western Chauvinists”. (“Tenets", 2020). 

However, this static list covers far from all aspects of their ideology. And more evenitsWhat truly defines this is not a promised list, but what ideological values are displayed in behaviour. 

The central force that can be identified in the Proud Boys' ideology is nationalism in the anti-enlightenment tradition. The foundations of the group lay on the presidential election n which Donald Trump Trumpism remains a core value that intertwines with all ideological aspects of the Proud Boys. They see the American culture and values as being under attack by external forces such as immigration and non-traditional gender identities. In this, the left is blamed for these forces, hence why the Proud Boys are very vocally anti-left, as well as anti-Antifa and anti-BLM movement, because Aall these groups pose threats to the central culture of the nation that the Proud Boys believe is the superior one. 

This nationalism is intertwined with neoliberalist ideologythe . This liberalistm is for example  visible in the Proud Boys talk about the coronavirus: they are anti-mask and anti-vaccine. Wearing a mask or getting a vaccine as imposed by the state goes against the freedom that they value. 

In all this, the prominent place forviolence, already starting in the initiation ritual of becoming a member, where a require get into a fight 'for the cause' the cause being  that conflicts with the Proud Boys' ideology. rise of the Proud Boys

The Proud Boys' platforms

Due to the rise of digital media, our media system is going through a transition where old (broadcast) media logics are combined with new (digital) media logics. This system offers any user the opportunity to "shape and disrupt information flows that were traditionally controlled by broadcast media" (Chadwick, Dennis & Smith, 2015). The Proud Boys use this hybrid media system in two ways: for the production of what Maly (2019) describes as metapolitics 2.0, and to choreograph online action. 

In 2018, various verified accounts owned by the proud boys were suspended by Twitter under the reason of violating of a policy against “violent extremist groups”.

One thing that’s immediately noticeable about the Proud Boys media strategies is their lack of presence on mainstream social media platforms such as Facebook or Twitter. This is a direct  of both Facebooks and Twitters policies: in 2018, various verified accounts owned by the proud boys were suspended by Twitter  violating of a policy against “violent extremist groups”. Later in the year, Facebook followed this example by also banning various Facebook and Instagram pages belonging to the group under the policy against hate organizations and figures.

So instead of being dependent on mainstream platforms, the Proud Boys  alternative platforms such as Telegram and Parler. This already shows an understanding of media logics: actors in the hybrid media system have to make choices what platforms  fit to their goals of use (Chadwick, Dennis, Smith, 2015). The Proud Boys recognised that on Twitter and Facebook they could not post in the way they wanted to, therefore they were choose for platforms that do fit their goals.

The other are constantly being framed givingThey are very conscious in this decision, as is shown by the fact that making fun of Facebook and Twitter is a recurring topic in their posted memes. 

Moreover, they are successful in their use of these platforms: the Telegram feed has over 9000 subscribers, but since this feed is shown on the website it's likely many more look at this feed. In October 2020, most posts on the Telegram feed have around 4K views, with some posts getting even around 7K views.

Even bigger, their Parler page currently has 187K followers. Messages on these posts get thousands of upvotes and 'echoes' (Parler shares) as well as hundreds of comments.  Compared to the numbers they currently have, it seems as if the Proud Boys did not lose much in terms of numbers.On their Twitter page theyhad about 36K followers before it was suspended at the end of 2018.

Mainstream media coverage, as well as the mention of the Proud Boys by Donald Trump, unintentionally amplify the Proud Boys' reach, posing useful for recruitment.

But numbers are not the only things that matter on these platforms: the loss of their Facebook account meant a loss of power on one of their main recruitment platforms. While Facebook and Twitter are used by a wide array of usersalso more mainstream users, while, not everyone might find their way to alternative platforms, posing difficulties for recruitment. However, part of this recruitment is partially (unintentionally) done by mainstream media coverage as well as the mention of the Proud Boys by Donald Trump that amplified their reach. This coverage gets them more exposure to potential members again.

For certain in terms of follower numbers, the Proud Boys show their knowledge of media logics. This knowledge also shows in how they structure posts with the goal of generating engagement on these platforms. This is shown in posts following the script of "share if... / like if.../react if ..." followed by some stance that they know their follower base agrees with.

An example can be found in posts such as 'Echo if you're ready for four more years of Trump'. (@TheProudBoys on Parler, 2020) The Proud Boys know their members are pro-Trump, therefore knowing posts like this one will generate lots of engagement. This engagement is also of calls for action, often in the form of asking members to report certain accounts or posts. 

This example of a call for reporting an account shows that even though the Proud Boys aren't active posters on Twitter, they still try to gain control in this part of the hybrid media system.

They haven't completely left platforms such as Twitter and Facebook behind: since these are big platforms that can be seen as producing important discourse, with mass shaming and reporting actions the Proud Boys mark their presence on these mainstream platforms. 

As the Proud Boys are very active on their platforms, their ideology is in a constant process of (re)production through texts, images, memes, videos that are shared on Parler and Telegram. The way in which the Proud Boys use their platforms to construct an ideological message with digital media as a central force to their activism is what Maly (2019) calls new right metapolitics 2.0. With the usage of memes, pictures, videos, mass reports and much more daily digital content, the Proud Boys' metapolitical strategy is embedded into this internet culture. 

This multimodal discourse production as done by the Proud Boys reflects the change in new right metapolitical battles: it's no longer just the intellectuals that produce metapolitical discourse, but also other parties such as the activist, the politician, the prosumer, and in this case users on the Proud Boys Parler.

A few minutes of scrolling through their channels already reveals how posts on their platforms are used to convey their ideology: plenty of posts covering anti-Antifa, anti-BLM, anti-mainstream media, and pro-Trump stances. Though their website states "we are not an “ism”, “ist”, or “phobic” that fits the left’s narrative", many posts, comments, and speeches by prominent figures connected to the Proud Boys can be classified in such “ism”, “ist”, or “phobic”s.

For example, on a post about Ilhan Omar on Parlor, describing how Omar compared trump campaign rallies to 'klan rallies', the majority of the comments mention deportations  other racist . t does not take long to find jokes about gay or trans people, or misogynistic comments on women on their platforms either. The Proud Boys don't agree on these imposed 'ism', 'ist', or 'phobic's"But they reframe this racism as free speech. Actions like these show that no matter how they list their ideological values on their website, their behaviour is what truly makes their ideology visible.

All their online activity enables the Proud Boys to shape their movement in their own way in order to appeal to a broader audience, with the metapolitical goal of hegemonizing new-right ideology. This usage of metapolitics requires knowledge of media logics in order to effectively reach the intended audience. The Proud Boys have shown their digital literacy is effective for metapolitics as proven by their ever-growing platforms where each post can easily amass thousands of engagements with it.

Offline gathering

The first toemanifestationis of course the Proud Boys use the hybrid media system is by the production of metapolitics. But there is a second way in which they use this system : for offline gathering. They use their platforms to call their members to attend physical gatherings. Though most media coverage on the Proud Boys  their presence at rallies or (counter-)protests, local chapters also gather offline on a regular basis next to these reactionary rallies. This process of offline assembly is described by Gerbaudo (2012) as the choreography of assembly: the use of social media to choreograph offline action. The networks, in this case, Parler in Telegram, play various roles in this process of choreographing online action. 

First and foremost, the networks are used for the practical part of organising: to share the date, time, and place the Proud Boys are supposed to show up. But more importantly, the networks have an important function in creating a shared identity, which is needed in order to trigger people to do something, in this case, show up to a rally or protest (Gerbaudo, 2012). The Proud Boys use their established stances to create a shared feeling of urgency to show up: by numerous posts about the dangers of Antifa or the BLM movement, .

 An example of this choreography of assembly can be found in the Proud Boys' rally on September 26th in Portland. 

@ProudBoysUSA on Telegram

Announcements of assembly like this one include multiple elements that make use of this shared identity. 'End domestic racism' connects to their anti-Antifa stances: Donald Trump labelled Antifa activists active in the city of Portland as domestic terrorists.  'Free Kyle Rittenhouse' refers to Kyle who killed two people  protests in Kenosha. The Proud Boys regard him as a hero. The third element 'do it for Jay' refers to Aaron J. Danielson, who was shot in Portland after clashing with protesters.  Next to this, there are the visual elements: the colour combination of black and yellow is a known Proud Boy symbol, and so is the yellow wreath.

A shared identity between Proud Boys is created by recognition of symbols and meanings.

These elements on the rally announcement all have the same function: they play upon already established stances of the Proud Boys. Because the Proud Boys share these ideas, values and identities, an urgency to show up is created. In this way, their online presence functions as a vehicle for their offline assembly though this identity establishing function. The way in which Proud Boys are able to recognise all these meanings, symbols and colour combinations belonging to adds onto the feeling of sharing an identity. Moreover, with regular offline gatherings of local chapters, these groups are not just based on their strong shared identity, but also on the strong bond between members.

The Proud Boys' offline assemblies oftentimes gain attention from mass media, especially when violence occurs or things get out of hand otherwise. Just like in this message, the Proud Boys can respond to this coverage in mass media again through their own channels. This shows how different components in the hybrid media system intertwine with cross-platform interactions, and how offline assemblies connect back to online discussion.

The Proud Boys in the hybrid media system

The Proud Boys prove themselves very competent in themedia logics in the hybrid media system. They use specific alternative platforms within this system that are most fit for their usage goals, in order to shape their own coverage. On these platforms, they are very successful in generating plenty of engagements with their posts.

Metapolitical strategies are used to constantly (re)produce their ideological ideas in various post modalities such as text, images and memes with digital media logics as a central force. In their behaviour, it's visible how their use of metapolitics aligns with the goal of hegemonizing new-right ideologies, with the central forces of nationalism, traditional gender identities and the celebration of violence. The hybrid media system is used to create bonds between the members as well as (re)produce shared meanings and identities among Proud Boys. 

While the focus of this paper lays on the online presence of the Proud Boys, they operate in an online-offline nexus, where their usage of the hybrid media system holds an irreplaceable function in their offline practices, and their offline practises hold a function on their online practices again. This online-offline nexus is visible in all their practises, for example in the January 2021 Capitol riots, where many Proud Boys were present, after being encouraged and organised by activity that took part online.

By creating and reproducing shared meanings online, a shared Proud Boys identity is in constant reproduction. The Proud Boys have created a specific use of the hybrid media system that works in line with their goals, also creating a powerful communication network. It is this exact communication network that used the established shared identity to organise offline action at the Capitol. In this way, the Proud Boys in the hybrid media system played an irreplaceable part to the Proud Boys at the Capitol riots.

References

Chadwick, A., Dennis, J., & Smith, A. P. (2015). Politics in the age of hybrid media: Power, systems, and media logics. In The Routledge companion to social media and politics (pp. 7-22). Routledge.

Gerbaudo, P. (2012). Tweets and the Streets: Social Media and Contemporary Activism. New York, NY: Palgrave Macmillan.

Ideology. (2020). Retrieved 18 November 2020, from https://www.diggitmagazine.com/wiki/ideology 

Berchem:

Maly, I. (2019). New right metapolitics and the algorithmic activism of Schild & Vrienden. Social Media+ Society, 5(2), 2056305119856700. 

;https://doi.org/10.3390/socsci907011

https://www.ideology-theory-practice.org

Proud Boys [@TheProudBoys] (n.d) posts [Parler Page], from https://parler.com/profile/TheProudBoys/posts  

Proud Boys [@ProudBoysUSA] (n.d) posts [Telegram Chat], from https://t.me/proudboysusa