Protestscapes and the art of protesting in Romania
In this article I introduce the concept of "protestscape" as a language of mobility that employs rich semiotic resources within the context of protest. In doing so I focus on the anti-corruption demonstrations in Romania (January - February 2017).
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On this page
- What is a protescape?
- The Romanian political context
- Dr.Octopus as the villain
- Batman to the rescue!
- “Chuck Norris Help”
- The Local vigilante
- Eventually, Romanians came to realize they have to save themselves
- The person could also be a driver with good knowledge of road signs or an attentive pedestrian.The protestscape of Romania
- References
In this article I will analyse the semiotics of the anti-corruption demonstrations in Romania (January - February 2017). I will introduce the concept of "protestscape" to analyse these local protest from a globale perspective. I define protestscapes as a language of mobility that employs rich semiotic resources within the context of protest.
Back to topWhat is a protescape?
In this article I introduce the concept of "protestscapes" as a language of mobility that employs rich semiotic resources within the context of protest. In doing so I focus on the anti-corruption demonstrations in Romania (January - February 2017).The term "protestscape" draws on Appadurai's notion of the dimensions of global cultural flows. In his book, Modernity at large: Cultural dimensions of globalization, Appadurai puts forward a framework for discussing the five dimensions of global cultural flows (ethnoscapes, ideoscapes, mediascapes, technoscapes, financescapes).
These are "collective", "imaginary", and "transnational" landscapes (Appadurai, 1996, p. 31). By adding the common suffix "-scape", the landscape becomes "fluid" and "irregular”. In addition, he indicates that “these are not understood in terms of objectively given relations that look the same from every angle of vision but, rather, that they are deeply perspectival constructs inflected by the historical, linguistic and political situatedness of different sorts of actors” (Appadurai, 1996, p. 33).
Contemporary globalized world is best understood as a "world of flows" comprising of "objects in motions" such as “ideas and ideologies, people and goods, images and messages, technologies and techniques” (Appadurai, 2000, p. 5). In this regard "protestscape" can be understood as landscapes resulting from creative and perspectival interactions between "objects in motions" in both online (digital activism, instant sharing of updates on the situation, using hashtags to build on the collection of content, creating memes, creating platform for protesters’ easy access to ready-made placards, posting and sharing pictures taken during the protests, creating events online, and so on) as well as offline environment (demonstration marches throughout the city, protest placards that change every day to keep up with the demands of the people, fixed banners on the streets and protest placards on the move, people with messages imprinted on their clothes, wearing badges, and so on).
To describe “the protestscape" I analyse the linguistic landscape, that is the visible “bits of written language” in the public space (Blommaert & Maly, 2016: 1) and the semiotic landscape to approach more complex, multimodal signs. The images referenced in this article were retrieved from various sources in the online environment. Pictures were all taken during the anti-corruption demonstrations in January and February 2017. I attempt to discuss the images by looking at how they present themselves (the type of material used, the choice of colours, the theme of message, etc.) their indexicality (what the sign points to in the context where it is produced), and their intertextuality (their relation to other texts).
The anti-corruption protests in Romania were peaceful, creative, and - even if without a formal leader - very well organized.
Altogether, the messages disseminated in the online and offline environment employed light-hearted humour, satirical remarks, creativity, witty slogans, playfulness, self-irony, and entailed references to various movies, books, some were retorts to controversial statements made by politicians, public confessions, and other messages were directly addressing fellow protesters.
Back to topThe Romanian political context
In order to make sense of some of the images that will be presented in this article I start with explaining the social and political context that lead to these protests in the first place.
In December 2016 the Social- Democrats won the legislative elections held in Romania. This was a result of a low youth voter turnout and a higher voter turnout in the rural areas of Romania that historically favour the Social Democratic Party (PSD). No more than a month after they took office the PSD party, led by Liviu Dragnea, passed a decree to pardon certain convicted persons for acts of corruption such as bribery and trading of influence. With this law, PSD was trying to put to rest a growing anxiety amongst public officials that had been generated by the effectiveness of the anti-corruption institution (DNA).
The people were prompt to react to the new legislation threatening with large-scale demonstrations. Eventually, after two weeks of protesters flooding the streets and the media with their concerns and demands, the ruling cabinet annulled the decree. Even though the demands of the protesters were responded to (during January-February and previous demonstrations as well) there is still a high degree of distrust and general dissatisfaction with the current political class. This is largely cause by (among others) staggering inequality caused by corruption encountered at every level of society.
Back to topDr.Octopus as the villain
In the Romanian “protestscape” Liviu Dragnea was one of the central-figures being constantly mocked by the protesters. The ruthless jokes and ironic references hint at his involvement with various illicit activities some for which he has been proven guilty and received a suspended two years jail sentence and at his influence within the party.
Figure 1
In Figure 1 Liviu Dragnea is pained as an octopus with red tentacles that read (from left to right): “PSD” (the ruling party),”ALDE” (the second ruling party), “Antena 3” (a private TV channel that is owned by a former public official and convict), “Government”, and “Romania TV” (a state-owed channel strongly associated with the ruling party). We can “read” the protest signs as Dragnea’s influence within Romania’s society and politics.
The octopus with Liviu Dragnea’s face as its body, comes on top of the protesters who protests against him and the corrupt government by holding up placards that read messages in support of democracy and against Liviu Dragnea (“We want democracy”, “Our grandparents voted for you, we don’t buy it”, “Thieves”, “Like thieves, in the night” “You angered the people” “Corruption kills” "We- the people, You- the corrupt" and so on).
“The protestcape” is intertwined with other landscapes and is created by the movement of and interactions between protesters – the “makers” of “protestscape”.
This protest sign breaks away from the rest by assuming a position of “summarizing” the multitude of protest signs that appeared in the public spaces during the demonstrations, and which cascaded though the "mediascape" (Appadurai, 1996).Therefore, “the protestcape” is intertwined with other landscapes and is created by the movement of and interactions between protesters – the “makers” of “protestscape”. Overall, this is an artful protest sign which appears to be made out of mixed media: cardboard, carioca, and paper. We could look at the protest sign as a piece of art in itself. It is an original painting with a strong underlying message.
Figure 2
Figure 2 is another sign that portrays Dragnea with tentacles, this time as the comic character Dr. Octopus known by his civilian identity as Otto Octavius – a scientist who evolved into a supernatural being after a scientific experiment went wrong and left him with two extra pairs of limbs which he controls with his mind. Filled with bitterness, resentment and a willingness to punish everyone around him, the villain that is Dr. Octopus becames a target for the pop culture superhero Spider-man. Dr. Octopus was defeated many times but he was always brought to life or managed to somehow survive. All in all, Dr. Octopus is a character proven difficult to completly annihilate. In terms of indexicality, the inability "to kill" the villain Dr. Dragnea could stand for the failure to replace a crooked political system that emerged as the aftermath of the fall of communism in Romania and which is currently backed up by a corrupt political class.
What we see is Dr. Octopus – a globally recognized character - that receives a local feature the face of Liviu Dragnea and becomes Dr. Dragnea.
This multimodal sign contains various references that come together in this picture. Varis & Bloammaert (2015, p. 33) give a definition of memes that best reflects the process of “reading” a meme. In their opinion, “Memes – often multimodal signs in which images and texts are combined – would typically enable intense resemiotization as well, in that original signs are altered in various ways, generically germane – a kind of “substrate” recognisability would be maintained – but situationally adjusted and altered so as to produce very different communicative effects”.
What we see is Dr. Octopus - a globally recognized character - that receives a local feature the face of Liviu Dragnea and becomes Dr. Dragnea. This is also true for the text. The sign presents significant intertextuality as we can recognize Trump’s slogan during his presidential campaign but rephrased in a way so that it points at the local corruption against which people are protesting. Nevertheless, Trump was not the first to come up with this slogan. An earlier form of this catchphrase “Make America great again” was used by R Reagan in his run for presidency.
This skilfully made image comes together nicely and depicts in a cheerfully coloured picture the supervillain status of Dragnea pointing at how corruption makes its way into the Romanian justice system. And by mean of text it hints at another leader whose policies are questionable.In contrast to Figure 1 where the sign discussed was home-made, this one is ready-made, easily downloadable from the Internet, free of charge on the website Art of Protest) with clear Do It Yourself instructions on how to print and assemble the pieces together. The sign is made out of plastic which makes it durable and sturdy, rain proof and snow proof. Thus, it is a reusable protest sign and non-biodegradable.
The website Art of Protest provides a wide selection of protest signs from which to choose from. This is a grass-root project that gathered chants during demonstrations and transformed them into artworks. They invite protesters to "Download. Print. Protest". As such is the case with most digital-age protests - preparation is done online (whether we speak of digital activism, organising events on social media, etc.) while demonstrations happen down the streets and in the squares. Similar websites emerged during demonstrations with the purpose to store in digital form the messages called out on the streets, slogans and images with placards.
Back to topBatman to the rescue!
As opposed to graffiti, which is an out-lawed practice, the images projected on buildings have the same implications but without the legal consequences.
However, this playful visual statement is particularly interesting as it is temporally emplaced on a building. The image secure its purpose of conveying meaning before it disappears or changes into something else. While displayed, the image has an impact on the public space, if not for anything else than at least for its high visibility and large-scale format. As Philip Seargeant and Frank Monaghan wrote in their Street protest and the creative spectacle, “in the context of visual representation size matters”.
Moreover, a statement emplaced on a building in an urban area put together by a group of “unauthorized people” alludes to graffiti. J. Ferrell observed that “in a remarkable variety of world settings, kids (and others) employ particular forms of graffiti as a means of resisting particular constellations of legal, political and religious authority.” (Ferrell, 1995, page 77). Thus, graffiti have entered the global flows as a form of resistance. Graffiti – as images emplaced on buildings – disrupts the order and challenges the authority. But, as opposed to graffiti which is an out-lawed practice in many countries including Romania, the images projected on the buildings have the same implications as graffiti has but without the legal consequences. This is to say, light disappears as quickly as it appears.
“Chuck Norris Help”
Figure 4 is a protest placard created with traditional means: black carioca on a piece of cardboard. It is the message that caught the attention. It reads "Chuck Norris Please Help!" and it is yet another (satirical) reference to Romanians' counting on super-human forces to save the day. Chuck Norris facts (@chuck_facts) have entered the global flow through “mediascape”. They point at Chuck Norris - the actor and martial arts fighter - and exaggerate his strength, abilities and physical condition conveying super-human capabilities. Facts"" humorously describe Chuck Norris' overwhelming power, overpowering masculinity and his enhanced virility. In other words, Chuck Norris, encompasses all the great qualities one needs to take over the world, or rather should I say that the world is already his to do with it as he pleases because “there is no theory of evolution just a list of creatures Chuck Norris allows to live”.
If there is anyone able to single-handedly save the country from corrupt politicians, Romanians can pin their faith on Chuck Norris.
The @chuck_facts Twitter account is fuelling fans with Chuck Norris facts and has over 270000 followers (at the time this article was written: November 2017). Also the hashtag #ChuckNorris allows people to collectively contribute to this large data base of Chuck Norris jokes and references.
Back to topThe Local vigilante
Figure 5
During demonstrations the use of props extended beyond light projectors and protest signs to theatrical costumes. Figure 5 symbolize righteous local historical character - the Wallachian voivode Vlad the Impaler – known for his hatred for those who disobey the law as well as for his passion for torture devices.Vlad the Impaler is both a historical and a fictional character in the sense that attached to his identity are many horror stories of blood sucking vampires. He became the internationally known character Dracula in Bram Stocker’s book and was a source of inspiration for movies.
Without waiting for a superhero to come save them, the people become the superheros themselves.
The sign he is holding reads “Missed me?” and invites Romanians to think “What if…”The message is handwritten on a home-made cardboard protest sign. The character appears to be standing on a pedestal. The theatrical lightning give a dramatic effect. Overall, this is a humoristic performance.The protester assumed the identity of a (local) vigilante by wearing a costume which appears to be authentic in reflecting the attire of that particular times (15th century, Wallachia – part of contemporary Romania). Indeed, the theatrical costume is worn as a sign of mockery, yet this choice of protest, like other examples before, does not only have one single layer of interpretation.
This is to say that when a civilian assume the identity of vigilante she may point towards understanding that our rights as citizens become our responsibility to protect when they are threated. BWithout waiting for a superhero to come save them, the people become the superheros themselves. A large demonstration may provide a mean for that.
Back to topEventually, Romanians came to realize they have to save themselves
Figure 6
As is the case with Figure 2, the protest placard in Figure 6 also appears to be made out of a flexible, strong and durable material that may have been meant to be reused. It is attached to two wooden sticks, which makes it easier to be carried around during marches by one or two people. The carefully designed placard and the emplacement of it in a public space could easily be associated with road signs.
Imparting a message in the public space usually take an official form. Signs are therefore institutional objects overseen by some sort of official authority and are used to convey information of general interest: they give information, announce prohibition, give direction, and so on (Blommaert & Maly, 2016: 3). In this context the protest placard in Figure 6 can be seen as an act of rebellion against the local authorities that regulate the signs, in other words sanitize the public space. A protester emplacing a home-made sign is a form of resistance to authority. With this, the public space itself is re-signified as a space belonging not to authorities, but to the people that occupy the streets and squares.
The meaning conveyed by the sign emplaced in the public space may depend on its colour, form, location. The simplest example of such sign is a traffic or a road sign. We can recognize the shape (diamond shape) and the colour scheme (yellow) as belonging to road signs. The intertextuality "(...) under construction" has been borrowed from the terminology of public official sign in the traffic whose purpose is to alert drivers and inform about road conditions. In terms of indexcality, of the message “Miracles under construction” may reveal an optimism coming from a strong and unexpected solidarity amongst Romanians in the face of attempts to boycott the justice system. And, I would hazard to say, it may also point at the hope for a more unified country where common civic disobedience brings people together
Back to topThe person could also be a driver with good knowledge of road signs or an attentive pedestrian.The protestscape of Romania
Protesters wield a variety of instruments to transmit their concerns and demands. In addition to numerous protest placards of diverse shapes and sized, protesters also made use of rock-parody concerts, flash-mobs, (improvised) musical instruments, speeches in the public spaces, marches, stickers posted around the cities, messages imprinted on their clothes, badges, flashlights, puppets on sticks, video projections on buildings, laser projectors, costumes, masks, and many more.
The visual representation of the protest in the online environment included numerous pictures taken during protests, sharing of updates on the situation, platforms for recording the timeline of anti-corruption demonstrations, collective contributions of texts and images under various hashtags, and other – genuinely creative – ways of mocking the current political class, for instance, online games that imitate old generation video games such as Space Invader ( PSD Invaders) and Pac-Man (Teleorpacman), customized so as to address the Romanian context.
Light-hearted humour, satire and self-irony largely prevailed in framing “the protestscape” of Romania. In many instances it offered a pressure relief valve, most especially when politicians’ statements and actions were acts of defiance of the people. As a consequence, they distinguished “us” – the people from “them” – the corrupt, and enabled protesters to construct “the protestscape” on a feeling of “togetherness”. On top of concerns and demands, messages disseminated in the offline and online environment contained also retorts to contentious statements made by politicians, which changed often to keep up with facts, public confessions and messages directly addressing fellow protesters. This large repertoire of actions resonated with a diverse group of people. Protesters came from all walks of life. In the square there were university professors, teacher, students, children with parents, professionals, unemployed, artists, pensioners, and many others. They interrupted their daily routines, put on hold other activities and with utmost diligence and persistence they attended daily demonstrations.
Back to topReferences
Appadurai, Arjun. Modernity at large: Cultural Dimensions of Globalization. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1996.
Appadurai, Arjun. Grassroots Globalization and the Research Imagination. Public Culture, vol. 12, no.1 (Winter 2001): pp. 1-19.
Blommaert, Jan & Maly, Ico. Ethnographic linguistic analysis and social change: A case study. Tilburg Papers in Culture Studies, no. 100 (June 2014), pp. 1-27.
Blommaert, Jan, and Varis, Piia. Conviviality and collectives on social media: virality, memes and new social structures. Tilburg Papers in Culture Studies, no. 108 (September 2014): pp. 1-21.
Ferrell, Jeff. Urban Graffiti: Crime, Control and Resistance. Youth & Society, vol. 27, 1 (September 1995): pp. 73- 92.
Kaveney, Roz. Superheroes! Capes and crusaders in comics and films. (New York: I.B. Tauris, 2008), ProQuest Ebook Central.
Marin, Ioana. Parlamentare 2016: tinerii chiulesc, rezultatul e decis de segmentul 45-64 de ani. PressOne, December 21, 2016.
Marinas, Radu-Sorin, and Ilie, Luiza. Romanians rally in biggest anti-corruption protest in decades. Reuters, January 31, 2017.